ERIC ED140358: Escalation of Agitative Rhetoric: A Case Study of Mattachine Midwest, 1967-1970.

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DOCUMENT RESUAR

BD 180 358 . ; CS 50% 653

AUTHOR Darsey, James ‘ sof
“TITLE Bscalation of Agitative Bhetoric: A Case Study of :
‘ . . Sattachine Sidwest, 1967-1970. -
»« PUB DATE 77 \ . . . *.
ROTEL 25p.;, Faper presented at the Annual’ Meeting of the
al . Central States Speech Association (Southfield,
Michigan,- April 1977) ; Best Copy Available
BDRS YRICE BF-$0.83 HC-$1.67 Plus Postage.
DESCRIPTORS | Case Studies; *Civil Rights; *Communication (Thowght

‘ . Transfer); *Homcsexuality; Minority Groups;.
: *Bhetoric; *Social Action; Speech Cosaunication
ABSTRACT. ’
This paper examines the adequacy of Bowers and Ochs’
theory of ‘social rgovesents as applied to the escafating agitative
etrategies of a dissident group, the homosexual-rights organization
Battachine Sidwest. The group's activities are described
chronologically, in teras of the strategies eaployed: petition,
prosulgation, pclarization, solidification, politicization,
‘ coalition, nanviolent resistance, and escalation/confrontation. This”
* gegmence is ccapared to the Bowers and Ochs schema, which is found to 9 .
remain largely intact. Two of the strategies, politicization and .
* coalition, were not part of the original schema. Limitations and
advantages of the Bowers and Ochs’ approach are discussed in the
light of the results of the case study. (AA)
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60140358

Escalation of Azitative Rhetoric:

A €ase Study of Mattachine Midwest, 1967-1970

James Darsey ot uaissicm
Dept. of Communication
Purdue Universi ty

FO Mate ea

James Darsey

naan

, Presented to
the Central States Speech Association ©
Annual Conference
April 15, 1977
Southfield, Michi zan

‘

| Cae James ‘Darsey ~

Dept. of Communication ;
Purdue University \
- i, Lafayette, In. 47907 :

‘

>

4 Escalation of Agitative Rhetoric? .
A Case said of Baptackins Midwest, 1967- 1970." .

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‘

1? affecit've theory tn 45 te built, the Erne critic must

examine rhetorical events azainst the théoret 1 frameworks provided
in the field in order to test the validity of [those frameworks, John
Waite Bowers and Donovan J. Ochs presented @ ag applicable to social —
‘movements in The Rhetoric of Azitation and Con rol. Last year at this
convention, ‘favne veber presented a paper ex nz the predictive
utility of the Bowery and Ochs schema when applied to. an instance of
conflict resolutian ‘There are several we
One of the most naked is that the rhetoric of
could be studied only as,it was reported in-the community nevspaper,’
because rhetorical samples derived directly from the movement were not
available. Congequently, the rhetorical manifestations of the conflict
are at least once removed from the movemént itself. In concluding hig
paper, Weber called for more "investization into tha evalution of many
clashes ostween 'estadlishments' and dissident’ groups which’ must be dae
befare the Bowers and Ochs hypotheses can either be gas or rejectad
as predictors of the resolution of aysocial conflict."- This paper
attempts to help fill this function by examining the escalating agi-
tative stratesies of a dissident troup functioning in society.

In addition to the theoretical function, this paper attempts to
give insizht into a unique movement that has been largely ignored in
the rhetorical literature, the contemporary, American homophile movement.
Only one study was found in communication field which copcentrated on
homosnxuals exclusively, and that on a linwustic level.? Even those
studies which draw on the homoppile movement for data to illustrate
larzer concepts are infrequent. No studies were found which deal with
the movement prior to its militant, prominent zay liberation period or
with the transition of the movement to that PRUEDE) itself an important
phenomenon for the student of escalation.

Undoubtedly, much of the reason ‘iach this movement has not: been
exploited by researchers in communication and rhetoric is its relative
invisibility. The uniqueness of the homophile movement rests in the
fact that it is the movement of the invisible minority, the only minority
in this country for whom anonymity is a viable option on a large scale. :
Because of their ability to conceal their membership in an oppressed zroup
as they mowe through society, homosexuats are not fighting azainst dep-
rivation go much as they are fi mting for eypression. Blacks, women,
chicanos, and often Indians are readily identifiable, thus the process
of discrimination is zenerally easy. qne problem with hompsexuals is not
that society has not sti mAtized then,‘ but that they cannot be found to

be discriminated azainst. The first Kinsey report revealed. the ona: whe
of homosexuality to be of a ma mitude that astounded Kingpy himself.

In essence, it drew attention to the fact that there was'a minority in ~
America "of ten to twenty-five million prope’, ates as larze as blacks

*

Darsey 2

- and twice as larze as Jews ,"9 which is virtually undetéctable. This
characteristic mizht be expected to result in some employment of rhetor-
ical stratezies in unique «ays, especially where identification with ,
the movement is concemed, when all of the benefits of society are mined
throu: zh non-identi fleation.

An assumption critical to the interpretation of the results of tnis
study is that intra-sroup rhetoric can provide answers to important
questions. Sd@gail movements must be understood in terms of their con-
stituencies which form the movement's strate zies. ,In-group rhetoric,
where there is open exchan:e amonz members of the zroup that zives rise
to stratezjes is a lozical source for understandinz the evolution of
those stratezies. Ervin: io! man refers to the mle of a publication in
a stizmatized jroup, "wiich tives voice to shared feélinzs consolidatihz
and stabilizin: for tne reader nis sense of the realness of 'his' *roup
and his attachment to it. ‘ere the ideolozy of the members is formulated
-- their complaints, their-‘asrirations, their politics." Thus, the
in-troup puodlication is evidence of the strate y of solidification as
Rowers amd Ochs claim, Lf but it also reflects the other stratezies en-
gazed in by the troup.

: ; ac &

The Bowers and Ochs schema_rests on the idea that these troup
stratezies escalate; they zrow more radical. Stratezies move from
, petition, or normal discursive means of nersuasion, to revolution, or
war, in a "cumulative and pro7zressive™ manner, le This study centers:
on the period surroundinz the Stonewall rebellion in June, 1969 as the
period for the homophile movement most .likely to conform to this ten-
dency and moat likely to exhibit the. treatest ranze of stratevies.
Before Stonewall, the eonservative Mattachine Sociesties were typical
of the state of tna movement. These zroups were characterized by
secrecy anda sreater conceytration on’ helping the homosexual wrk
within society rather tnan make wholesale ehanges in the existin7 struc-

,ture. Social gatneringso? ray people, esnechal}y bars, bath, and areas
in public parks, could be narassed to political advantage without fear
of repercussions arisin’ over the abuse of ri‘hts. tay people e
too afratd of tne Sune eg nets of exposure to push it; they ts, KPO
living "in the closet.' ;
é 7 ~~ 7"

On June:23, 19469, those closet doors were opened when the New York
City police staged what was meant to be a routine raid on the Stonewall
Inn on Christopher Street in treenwieh Villaze. The Stonewall:Inn was
a very popular gay bar. instead of the usual passiveness and submission,
the police encountered bottles, rocks, and other forms of physical and
verbal resistance. Three nithts of street riots followed, and the months:

* after saw Gay Liberation troups sprinvin up all over the country. As
some of the Mattachine Midwest descriptions indicate, these zroups typic-
ally consisted of younzer, more radical zays than had been involved in
the mqveagnt before. This younzer zroup was willing to increase their
visibility and enzaze in strate ;ies which involves marches, pickets,
protests, and lar7ze-scale sdeiz al events.

Not only does Sonawall represent an event sich is convenient to
study because itsprecaded a period of rapid escalation, but it has irpor-
tant implications for bl, Rowers and. Ochs theory| because, from all

acdounts, it was spontarndous or non-strazetic. Stonewall serves as
? mR

ad .

: . : _ . Darsey 3

4
‘ evidence that social movements may not always be’ the self-controlling,
ie stratezic entities that we typically see them as being,) but that move-
ments may need events such as Stonewall to facilitate escabtion at times.
_ Strategic theories such as Bowers and Jchs would then have to be modi fied
to account for these catalytic. events.
. eo
c In e ninz the escalation of stratezies, tos study procedes
chronolozically. This paper has beon criticized on this point. Hovever,
there is no other realistic way to proceed. This study is intended to
see how well |the Bowers and Ochs' schema fits when applied to an on
. occurence of ‘agitation. This involves the description of the group's
Pe activities, ag reflected in their rhetoric; at ewry point in time at
which behaviors are seen as distinct, the nmodtation of the order in whicd ,
these behaviot occurred, and the apelientian of the established defini-
tions to the behaviors to judge the appropriateness of the ‘definitions.
s vrocess cpuld result in: (1) modizication of the definitions, (2) °
alidition or deletion of stratezies, (3) modification of the defined
pean or even of the idea of order to the stratezies,.

P only seas the application of this process to many eeepc nas
cases may the theory be developed so that it is raised "to the hizhes
possible level of amsoraligg Son while at the same time conforming

a aa . most closely to the facts. To attempt the process any other way, ae

one has to start with the _theéry, but. that approach presutes the con-
clusion. As Ralph Vhite notes, "Any pre-established psycholozical struc-
ture [e. g. a theory such as Bowers and Ochs] tends to dimpose itself on
subsequent* arception even when it is not a-propriate." If the Bowers
~ and Ochs'y iports With tne facts, a chronolozical sequence shouldbe the
same, as movin;,:rom stratety to stratezy. If the theory déviates, then
this deviation * shoud, be exposed and the theory modified rather than . ¥
impe$inz the theory and modi fyinz the facts.

\

The Phetoric‘of Mattachine Midwest

Pet tion

Mattachine Midwest tills itself as a "non- profit, non’ sectarian
Illinois corporation. Throuth its active prozram, it- seeks to improve
the lezal, social and econonic status of homosexuals, Membership -is -.
open to snyeny 1 years of aze or over, rezardless of sex. or sexual
orientation," In the July, 19467 issue of the Newsletter, there is
evidence of the inception of a mova toward increased radicalization.
Mattachine Modwest is in the bent af petition, the use of "normal
discwmsive means of persuasion, "16 In one article in the newsletter, +
Mattachine Midwest reveals that one ot its specific concerns is the
abuse of loiterin; laws for the harassment of hémosexwals and that one
of its tactics_in fulfillinz its sa stated function will be a test
case in cart. .

It ig interestinz that, at this sone in time, one possible tactic
of petition not used by Mattachine Midwest is involvement in the political
arena, In the Ictober, 197 issue of the Newsletter, it is stated: "It
is not fe policy of Mattachine ‘lidwest to lobby in any sense of the
word. nd Invol@ement in politics did not occur until March, 19459 when
Mattachine Midwest decided to use the special-alcermanic elections for

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“petting its feet wet in political action." S)

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.

In 1967, Mattachine Midwest was. only in its third year, and its
concerns seemed to involve very basic: issues of-chanzinz society's
_view of the homosexual more “than issues of political concern. One of
the basic tactics was to preseftt the ‘homosexual as an ideal citizen,
absolutely conforming to society's norms in every way But sexual
orientation, A dialog between a-reader of the Newletter and the
editorial staff offers a synopsis of what the orzanization's stance
was at -the.time, .The following arse excerpts from the tialoz:

‘py the sanctimonious ¢one o* so much of the Newsletter lately?
From readin: some of the views exrressed, which presumably are
individual opiniohs}y6ne micht think that homosexuals were
supposed to apolovize to the world, esrecially policemen , for
existing, You would also zat the impression that one of our
major problems was that of somehow coving with the millions
who camp madly in the streets ani can't ke&p their hands off
their fellow man, :

,rhe homosexual counterpart of the Uncle Tom is the Aunt Sally,

and that is precisely vhat a pomophi le publication should not

become. ta

. 4
»-Althouzh we must maintain honesty, can we cease condeming

ourselves (At least in what appears to be an offidal manner)

‘and direct attention to our real problems and aspirations?

‘ 20

N.B.K.

Excerpt from the editor's reply:

We’ appreciate the fact that this letter is sincerely maant as
constructive criticism.

Much of that which V.8.K. has to say, has merit. However,

there are honest diff:rences of opinion as to how we are to
: 4

zo about achieving our common aims.

In reply to his letter, we have devoted the first pave of this

t
Newsletter tofstatin: our attitudes relative to content of this

publication. :

The first paze referred to in the editor's reply was a statement of
sixteen principles which :enerated a zreat deal of c ntroversy, and
were important in shapin: the thoutht of She orzanization at the time.
These principles are rarsyhrased in anpendix A. Latfer articles in .
the Newsletter reacted to them. . .

: While the strate-y of petition ‘continued to be in evidence throuzh-
out the evolution of the movement durin the period studied, it was the
,

only strate y in evidence in the early period studied. According to the
Bowers and Jcns definition, the troup, at th® tine, was not an a-vitative

‘
s

> Darsey 5

é

group.22 The overall temper of the Newsletter confirms that the Yroup wi
would not conform to popular conceptions of aitation, since its emphasis
was larzely on social functions and in-group educational efforts.

Proriul zation / ‘os .

‘ The incipience of stratezies which would make the group azitative
did not dccur until May,’ 1968. This issue of the Newsletter carried
the results:of the new election of officers, and the note from the new
president, Jim Bradford, addressed itself to some of the issues of
concern in earlier Newsletter issues and set a new, bolder tone for the
group. Bradford disclaims the stand taken in the publication of thev.
sixteen principles referred to above. de labelsf/the philosophy that the

behavior of homosexuals must be better than anyong, else's because they
are seeking their rights "the Ungle Tom a-proach," Bradford's approach
is not to bez for rizhts, but to "demand equality of tr4atoment from
the heterosexual communi ty ."2 7 =

By the publication of the July and Auzust Newsletter, Bradford es-
calated the group's stratezies to the level of promulgation, including
"all those tactics designed to win gocial supvort.for the avitator's
position, Amonz these Tactics,:employed by almost all azitators, are
informational picketing, erection of posters, and distribution of hand-
bills and leaflets "25 One of ie ée prima paperos of this strategy is
exploitation of the mass media.2¢ In thid Rian Nevsletter, Bradford’
made an appeal desi-med to escalate aotivi tide ig promulzation. Bradford
talked of rockinz the boat for chanve in corftrast to the earlier stance
of the organization, andasled for people "of dedication who are willing
to stick their necks out, walk the picket line, 30 on radio and television,®
and even zet arrested if nead be to brinz equality to the homosexual in
Chicago and the Middle ‘est."27

~

Success in tnis stratezy, especially as it concerns yaining access
to the mass media, was predictablyslow., Bowers and Ochs note the zreat
diffidglties involved for azitators to zain full and favorable attention
in a system whicn is-stacked azainst tnem.23 This is probably especially
As late as the early fifties, the word "homosexual" was literally banned
from the pages of one of tne ‘country's most liberal newspapers, the New

York Times k Times.°? Neverthe les sy an example of Mattachine Midiest's success in
this stratezy was an article in the Ciicazo Sun-Times magazine’ section,
Midwest, of December 11, 1969, The article was entitled "The Homosexuals,
a ‘a Newly Visible Minority," and included interviews with Jim Bradford and
other leaders of Mattachine Midwest.

Beyond the problem of limited-media access, the success of promul-
gation was contingent upon overcoming another preblem from within the
group., The capacity for anonymity in the homophile movehent, noted
earlier, can prove to be a dubious advantage When seeking spokesmen for
the movement. Society in effect rewards the homosexual who conceals his
identity while those who are "out" risk discrimination in jobs, -housing,
and other societal functions, often with legal sanction. This unique
characteristic probably accounts for the practically simultaneous, almost
inverted occurrence of the strate ties of solidification and mlarizatdion
‘in the situation under examination,

Polarization

The first clear instance of polarjzation is in a note from Jim
Bradford in the May, 1968 Newsletter. ‘His statement illustrates the
basic assumption of polarization, that "anyone individual who kas not
committed himself in one way or another to the agitation is supportive
of the establishment." , ,

The fixst signs of solidification, as Bowers and Ochs define it,
did not occur until the followin: January with a chanze in the Newsletter
banner. This will be distussed in the section dealing with solidificatim.
what is important here is tnat polarization occurred first and, from tnis
point, polarization and solidification were virtually sim ltaneous
stratezies. This has implications for the conception in the Bowers and
Ochs schema of cumulative and proyzressive which will be discussed later.

; The most important single instance of polarization is an essay by
Bradford in the October, 1969 issue of the Newsletter entitled "The
Homosexual as Nizger." This was just months after the Stonewall rebellion, |

@® anda radicalization of the homophile movement was beginning. "The
Homosexual as Ni ;:ger," was both a zeneral piece devoted to\poldrization
and a piece with the specific aim of saining alliance with activities
Bradford outlined in another article in the same issue, "The New Mili-
tancy Emerzes." In the latter, Bradford set the staze for the escalation
of stratezies. while he talked of a "new stamp of militancy," Bradford
encourazed members to set back on the track of implementinz, the "lofty
statement of purpose" in the by-laws.~
. ,

. "The Homosexual as Nisg:er," is a massive attempt to create active
support for the "new militancy’ throu7vh bolets oe tt on. One prominent

. tactic evident is the use of Flag issues,-~ particularly those concerning

“the police in Ohicayzo:

It boils down to this: The police in this city set like ©

lower-middle-class slobs when they"deal with zay paople, black

eople, brown people, and any other visible minority when they think
_ they can get away with it. You as a "queer" are as hated and he

dis ;usting as your olackest brother. Diz this, and the battle

is aleady half won. Join us and c nai to MM as if you

meant it, and the battle is 90% won.-4~ - ‘

Another important tactic of polarization for the homophile movement
seems to be "the invention of derofatory jarzon forsestablishment groups, "
which reco members of the minority who are pro-establishment or
uncommitted. "The Homosexual as Ni-:zer," uses the analoz of "Kotse
niggers" and field nizzers" to point out the difference between the
homosexuals Gonception of his role in society and what his role is in
reality:

In the days of slavery, the "house nigger’ was a favorite slave
who was permitted to live and szork in the master's house, as
opposed to-the "fielc nkzzer' who was obliged to live ina atyck
and do hard labor in the fields,
My! my
io :

’ . Darsey 7

_One of the homosexual's most serious problems is his ‘own
unconscious identification with the "house niszer." ‘He
considers himself as a law-abidinz, respectablé citizen,

‘ believin? in law and order, and perhaps a bit self-ri hteous >
about his "superior" middle-class (or better) status.
NS ‘es

We are all really "field nizgers," and we had damn well better
quit kiddinz ourselves about this status and band tozether po
fight like hell to win our rightful place in the sun... 3

A subtle, but extremely important precedént to these appeals was
the decrease in anonymity in the Newsletter. Unlike early issues, the
Newsletter began to publish the names‘of of:icers and staff, and more
and more si.med articles anpeared to replace the precedent of initials
or entirely Anonymous contributions.

Solidi fication P

Bradford's "new stamp of militancy " did not sudden ly occur with
the October issue of the Newsletter, The chanze had been zradual. The
transition of the eroup from non-a titative to almost militant can be
traced by c.nsidering the evolution of the Newsletter cover as manifestin 3
the str.tezy of solidification. Four distinct sta:es in the evolution
of¢the cover are presented in appendix.8. The covers show the creation
of a symbol which is well desi ope, simple, easily reproducible in posters,
cartoons, sculptures, and nedallions, and has @ natural relationship to

the thinzs it represents .- The January, 1949 issue Sirst dispvlayed
; the interlockin’ symbol for male, accurately reflecting the constitumcy
© of the homo nage m movemént in z°neral and of the Mattachine hidwest
a specifically.’ arch, 13€9 saw both the interlocked symbols for male
and female become part of the revular banner here they remained in one ‘
‘form or another throuvh the rm riod studied,

J ak
Another aspect of the chanzinz hamner is the’ reflection of slozans:

"fay is jood," "say: 7ower," "any jay," and "Come Jut." These slozans
\first appeared on the; varch, 1979 Newsletter, about nine months after
‘the Qonewall repellidn.2? .
/ .
- & Solidification occurred concurrently with increased public exposure

and militancy, After the Stonewal L rebellion, there were rallys, marches

pamphletinz, and other activities. 10 Some of. the biz:est demonstrations

of the decade occurred ‘bn the first aniversary of the Stonewall rebellim. .
' “Nora Sayre, a raporter who covered the anti-war protests ani the Demo-

cratic National Convention in 1948, described. the New York commenoration

of Stohewall's first anr ii versary as one of the most radical events she

had covered.t1 Chicazo's celebration was organized by the Chicazo Bay

Liberation, a zroup whjch was formed only Since Stonewall, and endorsed

by Mattachine Midwest.'“

palvtexaethas,

Part of\this increased public exposure and qa was expressed
throtiizh the {nvolvement of the zroup in political matters. As mentioned
in the discussion of petition, Mattachine Midwest chose to involve itself

4)

Darsey 8

P :
in the aldermanic elections of March, 1969, The actual activity of the
organization in this election is not described, but it apparently involved

a questionaire to the candidates on issues especially pertinent.to homo-’ eee
sexuals, This tactic was repeated in Aumst, 1969 in the éledtior of ‘
delegates to the Illinois constitutional convention, ,

As “a normal discursive means of persuasion," involvement in politics va
would be defined by Bowers and Ochs as a tactic of*petition. The case I
am* presenting here for politiwigation as a separate’ strategy is a two-fold
argument: (1) its chronolozical’ independence from petition and (2) a
distinct difference in tone evidenced in the nel it between petition
and politization. The latter is a qualitative judment and is difficult
to substantiate. Nevertheless, the difference between the tone expressed
in the earlier Newsletters (see avpendix A) and later Newsletters as
evidenced in many of the anove excerpts, is quite pronounced. In the
same issue of the Newletter in which Mattachine Midwest’ announced its
first political involvement, a reader notes the chan7é in tenér:

Sir: The tone of the Newsletter, the past several issues, is
‘very definitely upgraded, Camp still permeates -- and why not?
But there is just.as much thouvthtfulness in it. Thank %od,
After all, horiés can think, can't they? I mean,-for every
' dhazy queen who thinks " xet you, Mary" is wit, there is another
wno knows it could be the vice squads slogan.

B.S., Chicazoll4

If this separateness in time and tone indicates that perhaps certain
other stratezies had to be worked throuzh before political involvement,
then politicization shoudl be considered a separate stratezy with its
own tactics: questioning eancidates, votiny drives, creatinz voting
blocks, creating political issues, and voter education to name a few.

a

Coalition : 7 ae ; * ”

The relationship of the homophile movement.in zeneral and of
Mattachine Midwest in particular to other of{prassed and minority, zroups ”
began toamerge as an issue durin; this period of political involvement,
In its earliest form, Lrks were made via comparison. Various 4ssues
of the Newsletter contained implicit and explicit comparisons of the
homophile movement to other movements, espcially »dlack civil rizhts.

A more radical manifestation of this stratezy is the alliance of a °

group with the causes.of other ;rowps. This marks an inportant issue

in the rhetoric of Mattachine Mi dwest and is believed to be representative
of the national homophile “ovement as well as other movements.*+? The
first mention of alliance occured in a refort of the 1969 NACHO (North
American Conference of Homophile Or sanizations) notinz a movenent to
identify NACHO with supp sort of the New Left “on the draft, military
policies, ‘and other subjects not deamed by the majority of d-lézates’

to be properly hong phi le c neerns, althou’h nerhans vital subjects in

their own risht."~" Both sides of this tissue ware aidresged saveral '
times in the Newsletter. I'srhaps the be articulation of the issue was
a piece called "People Power" which en identification with other

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Darsey 9

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oppressed groups, - including women,, blacks, Spanish Americans, Indians,

and ,poor. whites, bécausé, YNo- minority will zat eoua lity anGht. every-

id has ue "h7 - :

ae was an issue within Mattachine Midwest and was also a

_ primary factar in the founding of a new zroup in Chicazo, the Homophtle

‘Liberation Allaince. "composed mostly of young liberal/radical homoe

sexuals/bisexuals." 8 In an announcehent quoted by Mattachine Midwest, ©

the zroup publicized a cormittment to identify itself with all oppressed

peoples and to take dafinite positions on "all matters which affect our
"community as well as the heterosexual majority."),9 : ) «

, “ A
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Noh-violent, Resistance

. (Ghicazo Jay Liberation was part of the national "ay tibaration seg-

ment ‘of the homophi le movement characterized by this "New Left" mentality

which found its “be tinnin. s in the events at Stonewall. It is si oni ficant

that only a year after their fo: nding, Jay Liberation, in addition. to

advocatinz alliances with other oppressed zroups, was sponsorinz events

like ‘the celebration in Chicazo which included teach-ins, a dance, a

march, and a rally "where real wooden closets ma may be burned. . "50

while the older Mattachine is still pRusuing less advanced stratezies,

only. endorsing the new-troup. ; ¥

; Whether the activities of Tay Liberation should be considered under
thé strategy of non-violent reSistance, like "sit-ins, school boycotts,
rent strikes, and the like,"5] or whether they more appropriately belong-
to the stratezy of, promul sation,is a diffict)lt question.. In part, this
is hetause, of ambi ity igi ithe. Mer inition of non- viaqlent resi iatance.

¢ Bowers and Ocns include ‘ivitl .disobadience as an intezradlly related
-concept to non-viol-nt resistance. "Non-vidlent resjstance is not always
“civilly disobedient, but it\often is. When it is not, the avitatara.
are violatin; custom rather than law." 52 What constitutes the violation
of a custom? . A - : / »

sas .
Homosexuals almost’ invariably vidate custdm when actinz.on behalf

of homosexuals. While, tota;, a marcn, in and of itself; hay not be -'
consideted a violation of custom if blacks or women or students are
marchinz, when gays march, people's reactions clearly indicate that
custom, at the minimum, ig bein; violated. Suzannah Lessard's report
on the Jay Liberation of June, 1979 in New York illustrates this beau-

; :

aE

"Oh no, not the fairies tool” said a woman watchin: the lay

Liberation movement: march up Sixth Avenue last June, with a

quizzical,, z00d-hurored expression or her face, as thouzh way

were so many ‘puppies. "I'm from Dhio. I think it's funny,"

.gatd a tourist. "I'd like to ick the shit out of them,"

said a clean, tense youn man turnin? on his heel. vo me

knew how to react, Few rrasped the impli cati ons or viewed it

as more than cither a circus or an abomination.s3

Not only do they violat4 custom, tt homosexuals have violated laws
in expressiny their sexuality lon; before there’ was.any movement. In

1961, Illinois became the first state in the union to remove acts

acts associated with homosexual sex from its criminal code. Before
this time, most acts of homosexual sex were prohibited in evary

state under vagualy worded "sodomy laws." Althouzh the statutes,

using phrases like "crime against nature," apoly equally to hetero-

‘ sexual activity which.deviates from the pregerihed nom, they are

used almost exclusively a-ginst homosexuals, Where sexual acts by
homosexuals are clearly in violation of state laws, the vidations

lack the. nécessary imposition on the public consciousness that is
implicit in the stratezy of non-violent resistance, In other words,
the .éstablishment has not been forced ta suppress the violation of
these lays. Consequently, there iS not. enoush public awareness of the
laws or_enough feelinz of tneir injustice to create a demand for
change. 5. In all probability, the intent of the sodomy lav violations
has not been primarily to force establishment action.. If that has been
the intent, it‘has certai inly failed as an example of non- violent, resis-
tance as a strate y.—

Escalation/Confréntation : : :

The issue of intent is important, for tne next strate, ay, escalatd on/
confrontation, is defined in terms of intent. Escalation/c»nfrontation,
in Bowers and Ochs terms, assumes that tne purpose of a particular activi ty
is to create 2 reaction, hopefully ovérreaction, on the part of the es-
‘tablishment, The ambi tuity in deciding thi s issue becomes anparent
in a report of a Chicazo jay Liberation dance in the May, 1970 issue of
the Newsletter. The, ostensible purpose of the dance was to provide a
good time and ingrease morale in: ne. zay community, to ereate an atmos-
phere of."zay sejf-affirmation," : :

The third Chicazo jay Liberation dance, held at. the Coliseum

on Aprit 18, introduced vreedom as the remedy that will .end the

closet as a way of life. The faggots came out for.their: public,

the band wag ireat, the vibes’wer beautifdl., It did a lot for
all*of us.”
A . - \ : ;

There are indications, however, that the expressed intemt was not
the only one. The article cited above mentioned ‘the rumors of a’ raid
which had circulated. ‘ay Liberation had prepared for this continzency
by having a corp of Ryerss law students, and press in attendance:

‘@

Some people didn't come for fear of a raid. Ri imors were around

. that the vice were ready to bust everyone in’ si tht. Gay Lib

~membe rs_we re prepared to fisht it out in court. Alert lawyers

pressured the vice pitilessly (it can be done). “Lawyers and

law students were at the dance as witnesses; ‘so was the press.

A struzgle wags imminent if they raided.. They didn't.59

¢ '
v

: ’

These precautions clearly indicata an anticipation ‘of establishment
reaction to the event. Does this $ndicate trat the expressed purpose‘
for holding the event is not the true or even the primary purpose? This
question cannot be adequately answored even usinz an in-zroup publication, -
It i4 not unreasonable to speculate that this is a zaneralizable problem,

ee

* Dargey 11

t

Bowers and Ochs illuminate the reason behind this problem.when they
note the need for a group to maintain a certain respectability with the
public. In the case of escalati on/confrontation this is particularly
true, for overreaction on the part of the establishment is only overs
reaction if the pdylic perceives it as such, Ifa dissident group gives
any hint that its purpose in pursuing a certain activity is-to create
this, overreaction, and if the public becomes aware of this, then any
establishment action; no matter how extreme, is viewed as just what the
dissidents deserved. With the problem of unintended audiences (e.g. the
now famous F.B<I. files from the shies), it is doubtful that any group-
could risk stating any pal of esca tion/confrontation even within the
group. .. Therefore, there would be no rhetorical evidence. of such inten-
tions. ‘nless the critic is prepared to digtincuish between real and
‘stated. yoals, then’ it becomes questionable as to whether escalation/
confrontation is a valid strategy for the rhetorical critic to study.
Nor can the problem be solved on the basis of outcome, for the establish-
ment may react (or fail to raact) to events in ways an unexpacted
and unintended by the group.

Gandhi and Guerilla

If escalation/confrontatipn is not the province of the student of
rhetoric because-of lack of evidence within his/her domain Gandhi and
Juerilla is not a valid area of investization by de fini td on 60 In this
case study, this was not an issue, Sinte, as in ‘wber's study, the es- -
caltion did not proceed this far.

- “ _ ’ e

Discussion ~.

Looking back at the criterion set forth in the introduction, that
if the Bowers and Ochs schema is completely valid for this particular
study, a chronolozical analysis will result in a description of the
original strategies in their prescribed order, \e find that Bowers and
Ochs have done very well. The schema is larzely intact. There are,
however, some potentially impor$ant deviations, ; ‘

Two strategies are armed for ch are not part of the ori tinal
Bowers and Ochs theory, politicizati nd coalition. It is not com-
pletely clear where these two stratezies fit into the sequence of the
Bowers and Ochs schema, althouzh the sequence whigh appeared in this
study does not seem entirely ymreasonable. “A, lozical relationship
could be posited between the ' ‘occurence of these stratezies and the
hacia which preceded them, ' ~ ,

- Shether this lozical relationship really exists is another question.
This stu udy dees not lend complete support to the "cumlative and pro- :
gressive" idea, Bowers and Ochs state that this should not be a rigid

concept noting that it is not perfect, "depending on the actual and
potential membership of azitation, the power and ideolozical stren;th of:
_@ontrol, and the. rhetorical sophistication of both azitation and control.¥62
This study demonstrates how these factors become crucial in determininz

the order and. occurrence of strateries, This was especially prortinent

in the near inversion of solidification and polarization.

Darsey 12

¢

The probkem ‘is compounded when stratezies cannot be reliably typed.
A casd in paint is escalation/confrontation. The nature of escalation/
cohfrontation is to take offensive action while seeming to remain in
a defensive posture. Doubt is raised tnat this is a hick which can
be defined using rhetorical evidence. ‘

The two questions, when taken together, force an examination of the
value of the cumulative and progressive idea beyond the most zeneral “®
statement. of direction. As an analytical topl, its reliability is
limited, attested to by both theoretical statement and case examination.
As an unreliable instrument appliei to events with nebulous definitions,
it-could lead t6-classification gf events on a purely chronological *
basis or on, the basis of order with thorough investi zation into their
nature,

In unde rs tandinz social moverfents, the Bowers and Ochs' scttema is
limited in two additional areas, First, it does not deal with the fole
of formal organization3 in the escalation of strategies. One of the
potentially important findings of this study is that, while the move-
ment as a whole covered a certain range of strategies in a reasonably |
predictable order, this was not true of a single orgvanization.: Mattae .
chine Midwest covered only a limited number of strategies at the lower
end of the.scale, The more radical, visible events were the efforts of

_ Gay Liberation groups who apparently picked up where Mattachine left off,
skippin, the initial sta 393 of agitation, even bimiad the two groups
shared no formal si i ‘

The sannd area of Timi ta ti on is the lack of consideration of non-
strategic influences on movpments and their strategies. A”base in point
is the Stonewall rebellion( All,of the evidence points to a causal
relationship between Stonewall and escalation, of strategies and the
inception of Say Liberation. The Bowers and Ochs schema does not
account for the ability or necessity of such events-to escalate stratezic
activity, nor does it posit any apttermn for escalation which follows ;
such events, For example, in its physical manifestation, the Stonewall
rebellion most closely conforms to the tactic of token violence under
the stratezy of escalation/confrontation. While it had tremendous
impact on the movement as a whole, on the escalation of stratetvies, and
on the formation of the Jay Liberation groups, the incident at the .
Stonewall Inn did not cause stratezies to escalate prozressively from .,
the point of| token vPolence.

'

Stonewiil is not an isolated incident.) ‘hen Rosa Parks refused ‘to
give up her seat on the bus in Montromery, it was Mot @ plan on the part
of civil rights’ leaders to incite action. It way the spontaneous act.
of a-woman who @as tired, hot, and, fed up with bowinz, scraping, ani ‘
being pushed around. The boycott Which followed ‘led in @ new era in the
struzzle for black rights. “Every. movement has had events which occurred
either outside the movement’ or spontaneously ‘within the movement which —
dramatically shaped the future course of the movement. These events
and their relationship to the. movement need to be examined for the in-
sights they provide, but they cannot be eames anren within the limited
framework of styatezies.

st i4

[ € ;
: Darsey 13

/

In spite of problems and Lind tations, the Bowers ad Ochs' schema
of strategies for agitation is basically a zood nne. In this case
study, it accounts for most of the rhetorical activity of Mattachine

"Midwest. It also posits a reasonable escalation of activity from °

conservative to more radical, althoun this should be taken in a zeneral
sens and not with a rizid progression of strategies.
»

Some rhetoxical activities were not accounted for by the hierarchy.
To thes extent tnat the s evillence that these may be typical of other
movements, these areas Wr ant further invest§ za ti on.

In part, the tnwtncios of: lack of conformity to the Bowers and Ochs'
theory may be affunction of the homophile movement as a unique employer
of rhetorical etrategies. Even if tnis is the case, the theory has not
been tested enough to make these distinctions, and henee, there are
‘indications of the’necessity of applying qualifiers to the theory.

It is the general adenuacy of the theory vhich makes it worth the
kind of effort advocated by Weber and again here, Albert J. Croft, in
an oft-cited essay, claims tnat one of three functions ‘of rhetorical
research, "in addition to nistorical interpretation-andcyjtical eval-
uation, is to modify or add to rhetorical tnesyy itself."°4 Ultimately,
the value of the field of rhetoric, as is true with any field, depends
on the value of {ts tneories. In our existential ae where man see hime
self individually as impotent and resorts to coilectiwe behavior more
and more often to acnieve his goals, a theory\such as Rowers and Ochs
present has tremancous potential ut{lity. To realize its potential,
however, it must be vodifiond, sualified, and refined, we must seek to
Maximize its applicapility while strictly defininz its limits.

Homosexuals must astablish ‘ood rapport with ments, opposite

sox, world at large.

‘wacom are not special characters andjhave no special riphts

’
Minority groups must make sacrifices to -fin equal rivhts (to which

all are entitled),

Law enforcement should protect and enforce, not harass.

Most homosexuals arm equally law abiding as hetcrosexvals.

No one has tho rizht to "carry on" indiscreetly or compulsively.

Homosexuals should not hav to apolorize, except when they infringe

.

(their homosexuality infrinzes) on the rizhts of others.

No concrate avidance that homosexuality is a n illness or heredita

exists. 7

Izynorance and misunderstandin,; makes hmosexuality a social problem

Society jud’es all homosexuals by the behavior of the most overt
minority.
4

Rejection by sociaty is a major problem for homosexuals,
Beinz forced to live two lives is difficult.

The difference between homosexuals and heterosexuals is only sexual

«
.

_ preference,

Homosexuals react to the same sex exactly as a heterosexual does to

the opposits sex, ¢
Homosexuals are not interested in seducing non-homosexua 1s,
It is our job to remind the public of these attitudes and to chastise

all who imnore them for selfish reasons or in iznorance,

B

The followin? banner paves of the Mattachino Midwest Newsletter

° »

contain an excellent oxample of sol&dification in the evolution of ‘

) "9 the logo. The May, 1963 cover is typical of all of the.early News-
‘ * a . . —_—

letters used in this study until January, 1969 ‘when the banner
was changed as noted in the text. Except for the two scohote. ti
both male and female, wiich first appoared in March, 1969, the
banner between March, 1969 and March, 1970 veried, The ‘Noven

Decenher, 1969 issue is a repoesnitetive cover of the patted.

The last two entries are tho first editions sa appear with ‘thelr
— new lo a 9 the one appearing on the sai 1970 issue
remainins emia tanttor the) duration of those tssues drained in the
study, It is interesting to observe how the issues with which the- =

Nedeletter is concemed evolve along with the solidification stratecy:. ee

,
/

a ee a ED, —_

ews

NEWSLETTER

aJs

PUBLIC MEETING

Mr. George C, Pontikes, Chi-
cago attorney and member of the
board of directors af the American
Civil Liberties Union, will be our
speaker at the open meeting on
23. Mr..Pontikes is widely recog/-
nized as an authority on the Fedefr-
al Civil Service and the Selectiv
Service Act.

SABES NIGMS “3

PY —

“We have had many inquiries from»,
members and friends concernifig Ni.
their rights with respect to the draft; |
This program ought to attract a >!
large attendance aud answer some
questions. Let your friends know |
about the meeting. Everyone ig wales

come, and refreshmente will be
served at 10 o'clock, following the
discussion period, ~

DATE: Thursday, May'23, 8 PM
PLACE: American Civil. Liberties
Union, 4th floor, 6S. Clark St.

VILLI MMIN uss

‘ a
RESERVE THESE DATES (places 5, |}
' to be announced later): =
‘May 23 Aug.22 Nov. 21
, June 27 Sep. 26 Dec. 268 |
July 25 Oct, 24 —
" . ™ y
Q

eB
feraree . i |
+e 8.0.8. . . 5 }
" INSTITUTE FOR SEX RESKARCH. ING WAY 15 1968 |
les: eaciibeianabiares a (Geant cheer le

a ‘

z : 4

*

NEWSLETTER
NOV= DEC 1969

Darsey 17

saeattl Yad

THT,
BIMBIBMSIS HS KousiguBUBUBUET

ee een

DOCTORS AND NIMH

URGE LAW CHANGE er

The results of two studies of tntercst.to the homophile community have
received local and national news coverage.. The dinal report of the Task Force
on HomosexudNty, sponsored by the National Institute of Mental Health, and
@ polj-on soctomedical issucs, including homosexuality, conducted by Modem
Medicine magazine, concluded that homosexual acts between consenting

adults “if they are carricd owt discrectly” are not matters of public or legal

concem. '

* Of the 27,700 doctors responding to the Modem Medicing pall, the per-
centage Of physiciins speciiticing in psychtatsy who were in favor of legaliz-
ing homosexual ucts was $1 jnificuntly higher than the total poll result—92%
versus 67.7%.

The NIMH's “Hooker Report” (after tts c an, UCLA's Dr, Evelyn

Hooker); while advocating further research into the non- cliqical aspects of
homosexuatity in our society, emphasized the necgasity for the review and a
revamping of-existing legal policy and employment practices.

Both studies stressed‘that their conclusions were well ahead of general
public reaction but anticipated gradual changes in society's attitudes. [The
Harris Pall's survey of public attitudes is reported gp page 3 of this issue.)
IiJinois has had a “consensual” law on the books since 196) and thus should
be in the forefrorny of implementing the balance of proposed reforms recommen-
ded by the Task Force.
pnile's arsenal. Thinking men will find them conclusive. As Newsweek com-
mented, the homosexual no longer domands ."simple privacy, but full legal,
economic and gocial integration.” s

. ‘ ‘

. _TIME’s clock runs backward

_ See VALERIE TAYLOR's article, Page 14

-* ; : . .
INSTITUTE FOR SEX ne Inc. _ » DEC 10 1969
an = |

These reports can 0c ammunition tn the militant homo- .

TIA TWOLLYIA

Swe KPOCL LEYY

- Detae

W3LL2 22

1L-8%%)

t

‘

. Darsey 18
| “MATTACHINE >
_ i, MIDWEST | ‘ :
NEWSLETTER 3
MARCH 1970 5 | |

Newsletter editor David Stienecker was mate at home on Saturday
moming, Feb.,7, by Youth Diy\iston Cop John Manley, about whom David
had written a humorous article that appeared in oor September 1969 Issue.
Thé “crime” charged ts criminal defamation (Ch. 38, Art. 27-1, Yiinots
Revised Statutes).

Manley entered the butiding, got Stienecker out of bed, and proceeded ~
to arrest him,without exhibiting a warrant. He said that one was on file at
the police statién. When Stienecker expressed doubts about the invisible

* warrant, Manjey’used David's phone to call a paddy wagon, but refused to
‘ permit David to use his own phone to notify anyone of the arrest.

é . After being held 4 hours for “processing” at the Foster Ave. police
station, David was permitted to pos\ his own $25 bond and was released
intact. 7 -

_ EDITOR ARRESTED—

This arrest marks the first case we are aware of in which qn official of
: a homophile organization has been arrested for writing an article. (Shades
of clear and present danget!) In issuing a statement afterStienecker’s
release, MMfPresident'Jim Bradford stated, “We try to alert both the homo-
: sexual community and police officials to over-zealous officers who make ® .
sg needless arrests . . . Manicy’s contempt for freedom of the press and other
. "constitutional guarantbes should draw conderination from all quarters.” The
article and other news notes about Manley should have clued in our own
a ” Ro Ss community as well as those alert police brass who do read our Newsletter a
H

(L-20bl YQIAIMIN us aMrO Iw

thét trouble was brewing in the park. We thought the Constitution meant
. , what it says about freedom of speech, press, assembly and the petition for t
, , , | ‘redress of grievances. +” i
* Stieneoker is tn fine fighting spirits. Constitutional law experts are ,
being consulted. The Amcrican Civjl Liberties Union has agreed to enter . .
thé case. Dovid's trial is sct for Friday, Mar, 6, at 9:30 a.m. in the ,
. Magistrate's court in the Chicago Ave. police station, 116 W. Chicago Ave.,
a ee 2d floor. < : :
‘ ai: MM’‘s Board ts calling for massive community support for the defense, ‘
. . which ts our defense as well as David's. Contributions to the legal defense DN
7 fund will help fight the battle. General contributions, always “welcome, will
help beef up Mattachine Midwest to continue to do our thing and more ‘
° ‘ effectively challenge the injustices of the social order, Why not contribute |
; : and show up at the hearing to show your support ? :

5

en RESTAROR. NOL : FEB 24 870

rt a + ree

MATTACHINE
RIDWEST
NEWSLETVER

JUNE 1970

COCO 0 lp a tte mt Ae Dl Cl lll ep AIL cr «= ie Cem = ln ot Opn A wm rg

* m «
A ae o age, ” ys
"DAY PRIDE (HGER” JUNE 21-23

Homosexual Ci syorns will “pola the le counterpart. =! Novae ad anes got ang
Gay Pride Weck in bate June, when the firs auntiversary of the a, tow. * u: of
the Gay Libepation rove ot will be observed,
, On Chetstaphee Sccevt Libesstion OAy, June 28, 1969, thousa's of g:, people
and sympathizers poural intu the strects of New York City's Creciwich Village tn
gprogest against heavy-handed police tactics An arresting patrons of the Stonewall
Inv, 3 popular but unticensed gay bar on Christopher Stree®@ that was being
closed by authorities, By coincidence of warm weather, the very gay neighbor-
hood, the taste of freedom afforded tn recent years by Mayor Lindsay's relaxa-
thon ‘of gay repression, changing social attitudes Cqgard sex, growing alle,
“and militancy by yowth, the imprce of the black civil ights revolutioy
ple, and probably a dozen other factors, the oucrage o
cuccted over into several niyhts of street confrontatio ce and led to
the farmation of che New York Gay Liberition Frone,

Although the begtanings of Gay Liberation had diready been seen in Berkeley
and San Francticu, the single biracurtcal event of the Chriscopher Strect riots
has come to be seen as the “official” start ot Gay Liberation, a movement that

has since spread to Kilwnazoo ind Carbondale, Kansas City and Milwaukee, as well
18 Log Angeles, chee’, » tol points la between, *

lar 2

a Chicayo’s cgbebration, ory nized by Chicagu Gay Liberation ind endorsed by
Mattachine Midwe (members of both will participate), will include:

+A* Lake Michigan cruise on Sunday, June 21 ‘(sce page 7);

+A giant rally un Saturday, June 27, 12 noon at Bughouse Square (the site
symbotizing the secrecy and repression of the past), where real wooden closets
may be burned, followed by a march past the Chicago Avenue police station (again
symbolic), the Lawson YMCA (more symbolism), to the grassy plaza of the Water
Tower and Michigan Avenue, cannoting gay persons’ new openness and seizure of
their own rightful place tn soctety; . ®

+A dance at'the Aragon Ballroom on: Sunday, June 28, 7 to midnight;

+Tceach-ins, a Midwestern Gay Lib conference, and other events. é

Informational leaflets on all events will be circulated throughout June by
Caf Liberation and MM.' The resuhe should be thepbizgest outpouring of gay self-
fUirmacion Chicago has ever seen. WILLIAM B, KELLEY

CHARCES DROPPED ACAINST EDITOR

(Newsletter egitor David Stieneckur was charged by Sge. John Manley of the
Chicago Police Department with criminal defamation as the result of an article
by Stienecker in the September 1969 issue, in which Stienecker dealt with nus-
Crouf arrests by Manley in Lincoln tack washrooms.)

[L259 “yw?

Wild TVOILUaS

On May 6, attorney Rence Hanover ind IL wont back to coure for che fourth
time, We went through the same hassle of convincing the court we vere supposed
to be there and werg indvcd in the right courtrvom, The judge scemed to belteve
that we were wrong, explaining to us thatche onby tried civil cases, and asked
tf we were the paternity suit he had thag day. Finally, after waiting for an
hour or so, the case came up. As usual, Manley wasn't there, Ia fact, he had
never showed up cxccpt for the first appearance. We approached the beneh, and
Mrs. Hanover presented a motion for dismissal on the grounds the the complaint

.

(continued on page 4)
Sirck Wa paw Qanuer |

INETTIUTIE, FOR SP WEE ARCH. INC JUN 8 = 1970

ee

Behavior in the

~

Ne a

Darsey 20

/ Footnotes "8

e

*The author owes a debt to the selection committee for their
valuable criticisms in preparing the final draft of this paper, to
Prof. Charles Stewart of Purdue for his editorial assistance, and
to Ms. Joan Brewer and the staff of the Institute for Sex Research
Library, Indiana Pee Bloomington.

ljohn Yaite Bowers and Donovan J. Ochs, The Rhetoric of A zi tation
and Control (Reading, Ma.: Addison-#esley, 1971). .

2 wayne H. weber, "Strategies of Agitation and Control: Predictive
Utility in Conflict Resolution," Pdper‘*Presented to the Central States
Speech Association ‘Conference, April 2, 1976, Chicago, Il,

3Lhid,, 13. | .

Lhe control stratezies have been, ignored here in order to give
greater see in considering azitation.

a g 5 Joseph $s Hayes, " ie sia Qua rterly Journal of Sprech, 62 (@8tober,

1976), 256-266.

= 6games W. Chesebro and Caroline ‘D. Hamsher, Orientations to Public
Commpnication (Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1976); James
We Chesebro, John F, Craan, and Patricia Mc Cullough; "The Small Group
Techniques of the Radical-Revolutionary: A Synthetic Study of Cohscious-
ness Raising," Speech Monographs, 0 (June, 1973), 136-146; Robert L.
Scott, "The Conservative Voice in Radical Rhetoric: A Common Response
to Division," Speech Monozraphs, 40 (June, 1973), 123-135; James
Chesebro, "Rhetorical Strategies of the Radical Revolutionary," Today's
Speech, 20 (ainter, 1972)‘ 37-bb.

TFor the results of various studies on attitudes toward homosexuality,
see: Martin S. wWinberz and Colin J. williams, Male Homosexuals: Their
Problems and Ad&ptations (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974).
Included in these results is the 1969 Harris poll which showed that 63°
percent of Americans considered homosexuals harmful to American life.

Saitred C. Kinsey, ‘&rdell B. Pomeroy, and Clyde —. Martin, Sexual
n Male (Philadelphia: W,. B, Saunders, 1918), 625.6.

Marno Karlen, Sexuality and Homosexuality: A New View (New York: —
d.. Norton and Co., 1971), xiii. ii

Lop rvinz Soffman, Stimma: Hitew on the Management of Sesstted
Identity (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1963), 25, ;

llgowers arid Ochs, 20. ,

livia,

Darsey 21

l3see Theodore Clevenzer, Jr., "The Interaction of Descriptive and
Experimental Research in the Development of Rhetorical Theory," reprinted
Bhninzer (ed.), Contemporary Rhetoric (Glenview, Il.: Scott,
» 19%), 17b-178. :

. white, Value-analysis: The Nature and Use of the Method,

(Glen Gartiner, N.J.: Litertarian Press, 1951), 62.

Seni s from the statement that appeared in all issnes of the :
Mattachine Midwest Newsletter. I took this from the issue of July,‘ 1969,
page 9. ; - 8

l6gowers, and Ochs, 17..

4

liMattachine- Midwest Newsletter (July, 1967), 1.
18vattachine Midwest Newsletter (October, 1967), 6.

1Mattachine Midwest Nevsletter (March, 1949), 3. :

—_——.

20a ttachine Hidpont Newsletter (Aust, 1969), 3.

2lmattachine Midwest NewMetter (July, 1967), 12.

22 Bowers and Ochs, 17.

23Mattachine Midwest Newsletter (May, 1968), 5.

2bruid.

25Rowers and Ochs, 17. ~

26rbid., 18. yo 4 ; ‘

27Mattachine Midwest Newsletter (July and August, 1968), 2.
: 28s overs’ and Ochs, 19.

: bl
29edward Sagarin, Odd Man In: Societies of Deviants in America
(Chicago: Quadranzle Books, 1969), 75-79.

3Mattachine Midwest Newsletter (May, 1963), 12.

3leowerg and Ochs, 26.

325im Bradford, "The New Militancy Emerzes," Mattachine Midwest
Newsletter (October, 1969), 2. age ee

33 Bowers anit Ochs, 27.

3h yim Bradford,."The Homosexual as Nigger," Mattachine Midwest
Newsletter ere 1969), 10. s

- Darsey 22

35Bowers and Ochs,: 28. ; : ; —
. .
36pradford, "The Homosexual as Nizger," 10.

37 Rowers and Ochs, 22-24. :
. 38Mattachine Midwest Newsletter (January, 1969), 1. The -homophile
apvendit in zeneral and Mattachine Midwest in particu lar is dominated

s

by males. ;
IMattachine Midwest Newsletter (March, 1970), 1. a. ‘
‘ ' WOsee Mattachine Midwest Newsletter (Auzust, 1949), 2 for a report
* of some of the events in’ New York. .

- a °

Uy ora Sayre, Sixties .tJoinz on Spain (New York: Arbor House, ~

1973), b2s
l2attachine Midwest Newsletter (June, 1970), 1. ’
\3Mattachine Midwest Newsletter (Aurust, 1969), 3.
)° . Ulyattachine Midwest Newsletter (Auzust, 1969), be
Uscott mentions this phenomenon, "Combination with others may
not be a necessary first step for the sufferer of oppressive division,
but such cannot be delayed forever." Scott, 129,
hémattachine Midwest Newsletter (September, 1969), 6,
Mnpeople Power," Mattachine Midwest Newsletter (April, 1970), be

U8nchicago jay Liberation jroup Forms,” Mattachine Midwest Newsletter,
GipadanarDeconte?, 1969), 3. ; es

Wrpid.
5Omttachine Midwest Newsletter (dune, 1970), 1. .

Slaewirs and Ochs, 30 Ai
Tbs 32. 7 | i v

Ssucannah Lessard, "ay is dood for. us All, * ‘Yashington Manthly, 2
(December, 1970), reprinted in Joseph A. McCaffrey (ed.), The Homosexual
Dialectic (Enzlewood Cliffs, N\J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972), 205.

Shor a discussion of this, see Martin Hoffman, The Gay -World: . 8
Male Homosexuality and the Creation of Social Evil (New | York: Basic Bocks,
| Tey, T=IdL, Farlon, SO7EIs, i

55karlen cites only one case of public prosecution of a en
§ . . homosexual act between consenting adults" arousing enough public
indignation to create a move @t0 reform the law.

‘ \ : , ; ; Darsey 23

Sopowers and Ochs, 35-36, This strategy and all of the subsequent
tactics are defined ‘in terms of the establishment's expected reaction.
The purpose of this stratezy is to gain a specific reaction from the
. establishment. .

. * S8"Ci tywide aay-In at Coliseum," Mattachine Midwest sinaen iba (May,
7 1970), 1.

5eruia, <
—S9tpid,
60g owe rs and Ochs, 36,
‘ 6liber, LB.

62Bowers and Ochs, 17. :

631% is not to be*understood that the Chicazo jay Liberation was a
spin-off group of malcontents from within Mattachine Midwest, The
evidence indicates spearats constituencies for the most part. See:

. M.J. Kuda, "MM, Jay Lib Meet Jointly,” Mattachine Midwest Newsletter
(June, 1970), h. 3 meee ere

Gli saat J. Croft, "The Functions.of Rhetorical Criticism," Quarterly '

doumal of Speech, 2 (October, 1956), 290.

20. £35

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